176 results for Working or discussion paper, 2016

  • Dire Straits v The Cure: Emphasising the Problem or the Solution in Charitable Fundraising for International Development

    Clark, Jeremy; Garces-Ozanne, Arlene; Knowles, Stephen (2016-10)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Otago

    We conduct a laboratory experiment to test the effect on charitable donations to international development NGOs (INGOs) of emphasising current deprivation in a developing country, versus emphasising the potential good a donation can achieve. Using a double-blind dictator experiment with earned endowments, we find that varying the information/emphasis has no significant effect on total donations, or on the probability of donating. An emphasis on current deprivation does, however, significantly raise the variance of donations, so that conditional on donating, it significantly raises donations compared to emphasising potential gains from the charity’s work.

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  • How do empowerment and self-determination affect national health outcomes?

    Garces-Ozanne, Arlene; Kalu, Edna Ikechi; Audas, Richard (2016-10)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Otago

    There remains a persistent gap in health outcomes between wealthy and poor countries. Basic measures such as life expectancy, infant and child mortality remain divergent, with preventable deaths being unacceptably high, despite significant efforts to reduce these disparities. We examine the impact of empowerment, measured by Freedom House’s ratings of country’s political and civil rights freedom, while controlling for per capita GDP, secondary school enrollment and income inequality, on national health outcomes. Using data from 1970-2013 across 149 countries, our results suggest, quite strongly, that higher levels of empowerment have a significant positive association with life expectancy, particularly for females, and lower rates of infant and child mortality. Our results point to the need for efforts to stimulate economic growth be accompanied with reforms to increase the levels of empowerment through increased political and economic freedom.

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  • Does institutional quality resolve the Lucas Paradox?

    Akhtaruzzaman, Muhammad; Hajzler, Christopher; Owen, P. Dorian (2016-12)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Otago

    The Lucas Paradox observes that capital flows predominantly to relatively rich countries, contradicting the neoclassical prediction that it should flow to poorer capital-scarce countries. Alfaro, Kalemli-Ozcan, and Volosovych (2008) (AKV) argue that cross-country variation in institutional quality can fully explain the Paradox, contending that if institutional quality is included in regression models explaining international capital inflows, a country’s level of economic development is no longer statistically significant. We replicate AKV’s results using their cross-sectional IFS capital flow data. Motivated by the importance of conducting inference in statistically adequate models, we focus on misspecification testing of alternative functional forms of their empirical model of capital flows. We show that their resolution of the Paradox relies on inference in a misspecified model. In models that do not fail basic misspecification tests, even though institutional quality is a significant determinant of capital inflows, a country’s level of economic development also remains a significant predictor. The same conclusions are reached using an extended dataset covering more recent IFS international capital flow data, first-differenced capital stock data and additional controls.

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  • John Evelyn (1620-1706) An Inventory of Works, Special Collections, University of Otago

    Smith, Romilly (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Otago

    John Evelyn was born in Wotton, Surrey in October 1620. He lived in tumultuous times – the execution of Charles I, the ascension of Oliver Cromwell and the Interregnum, and the Restoration of King Charles II, of whose Court Evelyn was a member. A friend and contemporary of diarist Samuel Pepys, Evelyn kept his own diary from 1641 until just before his death; it was first published in 1818. Evelyn was a founding member of the Royal Society; and published over 30 works in his lifetime, most notably his treatise on trees and forestry, Sylva; a work that went through multiple editions. Dunedin-born Esmond de Beer (1895-1990) was an eminent scholar of John Evelyn and wrote the definitive edition of Evelyn’s Diary (1955). De Beer lived most of his adult life in London but donated many of his books to the University of Otago and it is him we must thank for most of the Evelyn titles in Special Collections. The books in this inventory will be listed in chronological order of date of printing, not necessarily of first publication (please refer to Keynes’s Bibliography for this list.) Multiple edition copies of the same title will be listed together. For the purposes of this inventory, page numbers from Geoffrey Keynes’s John Evelyn: A Study in Bibliophily with a Bibliography of his Writings, 2nd edition (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), will be given.

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  • Bilateral foreign aid: How important is aid effectiveness to people for choosing countries to support?

    Cunningham, Harry; Knowles, Stephen; Hansen, Paul (2016-04)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Otago

    We conduct a discrete choice experiment (DCE) to determine how important aid effectiveness is to people relative to other criteria for choosing countries to support with bilateral foreign aid. We find that aid effectiveness is important, on a par with recipient-country need as proxied by the level of hunger and malnutrition. Both criteria are more important than others.

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  • Eric Gill (1882-1940): An Inventory of his Work in Special Collections, University of Otago

    Smith, Romilly (2016-04)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Otago

    Eric Gill (1882-1940) was an artist, engraver, typographer and sculptor. The works he completed in his lifetime have had a lasting effect and influence on the artistic world. Special Collections at the University of Otago has a number of works by Eric Gill and by others about Eric Gill. This inventory lists those and other relevant works.

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  • Robert Gibbings (1889-1958): An Inventory of his Work in Special Collections, University of Otago

    Smith, Romilly (2016-04)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Otago

    Irish-born Robert Gibbings (1889-1958) was an incredibly talented artist, engraver, and author. He traveled widely and spent a lot of time in the South Pacific; he even visited Dunedin in the 1940s. Special Collections at the University of Otago has a wide range of works by and about Gibbings; most of which are listed in this inventory.

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  • Physical and mental health issues in the Te Aroha district

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Although Te Aroha was considered to be a healthy district, until the early twentieth century it lacked clean water or adequate sanitation. There were justifiable fears of typhus and other diseases being created by these lacks and by the common ‘nuisances’ caused by unsanitary behaviour. Many people had a poor diet, which was normal for men undertaking prospecting far from their homes. For miners, their working conditions were always unhealthy, and miners’ complaint was common, affecting battery hands also. Medical services remained inadequate until the twentieth century because doctors could not settle for long (for financial reasons) and there was no local hospital. Some doctors, nurses, and dentists visited, but the seriously ill had to be sent out of the district. For injuries, chemists and nurses did their best, as did a dubiously skilled local doctor. Self-medication was common. Examples are given of breakdowns in mental health, which sometimes led to physical attacks on others or to suicide.

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  • John Squirrell: a farmer and storekeeper who mined (briefly) at Te Aroha

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    An English merchant’s clerk, some years after his wife’s death John Squirrell brought his sister and daughters to New Zealand to settle in the new Shaftesbury settlement, upriver from Te Aroha. His letters to English relatives provided details of their experiments with growing a variety of produce, which they sold locally or sent to the Auckland. He also took over a store, running it with the assistance of one of his daughters and struggling to obtain payment from customers before refusing to sell on credit. A leading member of the small Shaftesbury community, he did his best to assist its development. In 1888 a blacksmith and sometime miner, James Munro, convinced him to prospect ground in the Tui portion of the goldfield. Again, his letters provided details of their amateur and short-term, unprofitable efforts; lacking capital to open up their ground, it was soon abandoned. His investments in Waiorongomai mines were equally unprofitable. In 1892 Squirrell acquired land at another settlement, at Gordon, further upriver. He struggled to develop this farm, and was involved in conflicts with other members of the settlement, especially after he became secretary of the association. He continued to farm elsewhere, and became involved in early dairy companies, again becoming caught up in controversy. A man holding strong opinions on a variety of topics, and very willing to express them, he regarded himself as a radical but opposed the Liberal Government. In his personal life he had to cope with two daughters suffering from mental problems, one of them being admitted to the asylum. He spent all his life attempting to provide for his family, only attaining a modest standard of living.

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  • Thomas William Carr: a Te Aroha storekeeper and speculator

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Thomas William Carr arrived in New Zealand in January 1881 accompanied by his large family and, reportedly, with extensive business experience and a large amount of capital. After first settling at Gisborne he moved to Te Aroha in mid-1882, acquiring land in the township and nearby and establishing stores at Te Aroha, Waiorongomai, Quartzville, and Shaftesbury. He was involved in a variety of commercial activities, and invested in local mining. He was also prominent in the community in general, including in the Anglican Church. In early 1883, it all fell apart. After being adjudged bankrupt, he was shown to have been careless and indeed reckless in running his businesses; and instead of having large amounts of capital at his disposal, he had started with no capital at all, prompting suggestions of fraudulent dealings. After others acquired his properties and businesses, he fled New Zealand to try his luck in Australia, where he was much more successful. Others involved with him also went bankrupt, for his bankruptcy was by no means unusual.

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  • The mining boom of the 1890s in general and in Hauraki in particular

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    By the 1890s, mining had slowed down and New Zealand in general was economically depressed. Large amounts of capital could only be obtained from London, where exploration companies were formed to investigate potential goldfields, but, as usual, most investors were after quick profits. The mining boom started in 1894 on the Rand in South Africa, then attention turned to Western Australia in the following year, and by 1896 it was New Zealand’s turn, where overseas capital was made very welcome, for without it large-scale mining development was not possible. As both vendors and investors sought to exploit the industry for their own benefit, there were fears that a brief boom would handicap rather than assist it. Over-capitalized companies were formed, with vendors and company promoters exploiting the system, including by insider trading, although because of the risks involved some did not make the profits expected. Overseas ‘experts’ were used to puff mines, as many investors understood, for in England there was no rush by ordinary investors to acquire shares. In New Zealand speculators made quick profits by gambling on the share market in a manner compared to horse racing. The New Zealand boom is traced from its beginnings in 1895 to its fading away as wild cats collapsed in 1897. Although some people blamed government policy for the boom not continuing, more commonly the gambling fever was seen as the cause, for many mining properties placed on the market had no possibility of success. Yet in the short term there were benefits for the industry, sometimes because lessons were learnt and mistakes understood. In general, it was a pegging-out boom rather than a mining boom.

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  • Company formation in the Te Aroha mining district in the 1930s

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    During the early years of the Depression, a few investors sought to form companies to rework almost every portion of the Te Aroha Mining District. Some flotations failed, and even when companies were formed very little work was done. A wide variety of people were promoters and investors, very few of whom had any mining knowledge or access to capital. Competition for ground and low commercial morality led to conflicts and exaggerated claims (notably that Te Aroha’s lodes were linked to Karangahake and Waihi). The Mines Department, anxious to prevent misinformation about these ventures being used to extract money from the gullible and also anxious to defend the industry from harm, was concerned about fraudulent assays and misleading reports from self-proclaimed ‘experts’. All these under-capitalized ventures quickly failed, for what little development took place quickly revealed the poverty of the ore. These syndicates and companies are dealt with chronologically.

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  • Prospectors and investors in the Te Aroha mining district during the 1930s

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    This paper gives the ages, occupations, places of residence, mining experience, and all other details that have been unearthed about all but one of the men who acquired prospecting licenses during the Depression, along with five men who prospected for others. Malcolm Hardy and those associated with him are covered in another paper. In some cases a mini-biography can be given, but usually the available information permits only a skeletal outline of their lives. Few had experience of mining, and in almost all cases their prospecting or investing reflected a desperate attempt to make some money at a time of considerable financial hardship. Their often feeble attempts at prospecting or arranging for prospecting to be done produced no new discoveries and no ore of any value. Their lives and details of the extent of their involvement in mining are dealt with in alphabetical order.

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  • An overview of mining in the Te Aroha mining district from the turn of the twentieth century until the start of the depression

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Apart from the mines owned by Edwin Henry Hardy, mining at Waiorongomai stagnated in the early twentieth century. During its first decade attention largely switched to the Tui district, with new treatment processes promising better results, but, as usual, raising capital was difficult and the government was asked to assist. A mining revival was constantly anticipated, especially by the local newspaper, and for the first time base metals were also investigated. Prospecting encompassed new areas, with the Mangakino Valley and the top of the mountain being investigated more thoroughly than previously. In 1913, the battery was destroyed in a fire but was replaced. During that decade and the subsequent one, mining faded away to almost nothing, and only the onset of the Depression caused any revival.

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  • The New Zealand Exploration Company and Aroha Gold Mines Ltd: the last introduction of overseas capital to Waiorongomai

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    The Paris and London Rothschilds became involved in mining investments in the late nineteenth century, in 1886 forming the Exploration Company, which subsequently formed subsidiary companies to develop promising fields. Two men were fundamental to the formation of the New Zealand Exploration Company and Aroha Gold Mines: James de Hirsch and Jules George Wilson, and full details of their lives, in particular in New Zealand, are provided. In 1895, as the mining boom started, de Hirsch, encouraged by Wilson, wanted to develop the Thames low levels but soon abandoned this idea and became interested in Waiorongomai. After an Australian expert, Edward John Dunn, produced an optimistic report, a syndicate was formed that negotiated with the vendors. Full details are provided of the founders, directors, and shareholders (almost all living outside New Zealand) in both companies and of the New Zealand mining properties they acquired. At Waiorongomai, existing mines were further tested and opened up between 1895 and 1898, but because the anticipated high value ore was not found and also because of the costs, a new low level drive through the entire field was commenced. The battery was also reconstructed and an experimental cyanide plant added. Because of discouraging results along with the deaths of both Wilson and de Hirsch, the companies abandoned the Waiorongomai field. As so often, government policies and taxes were blamed for this outcome, although wiser commentators noted that the companies were not set up to benefit New Zealand rather than their shareholders. The departure of the companies and their capital set the field back significantly.

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  • Mining in the Te Aroha mining district during the depression years

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Because optimists believed there was payable gold still to be discovered in New Zealand, prospecting was seen as one way of soaking up the unemployed, and a subsidized scheme was established to assist those willing to try their luck. In the Te Aroha district, residents, despite their lack of geological knowledge, and supported by the local newspaper, held great hopes for a mining revival. In contrast, officials and the experts they consulted insisted that these hopes were in vain. After local businessmen and would-be prospectors exerted political pressure on the Minister of Mines, in whose electorate Te Aroha was situated, permission was granted to subsidize parties of amateur prospectors. Despite none of these parties finding anything worthwhile, the amateurs continued to claim to know more about the prospects than the experts. Some of the parties did little work, and as it was clear to officials that the subsidies were being wasted, these ceased, despite continued claims about potential discoveries. Some parties continued work, sometimes with private backing, prompting concerns about speculators trying to obtain ground. When a Labour Government came to power, it was no more willing than its predecessor to waste public money on fruitless prospecting. It was clear from the assays taken for both prospectors and experts that the value of the ore left by earlier miners was far too poor to permit a revival in mining, and on that note mining ceased at Waiorongomai

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  • Edwin Henry Hardy: a Waiorongomai mine owner

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Edwin Henry Hardy worked as a surveyor before going to England to study mining. Upon his return in 1896 he was a representative in Hauraki of English mining companies and supervised several Coromandel mines in addition to acquiring mines in several districts for overseas interests. In late 1898 he purchased the former Aroha Gold Mines’ property at Waiorongomai, which he developed using his own financial resources but probably backed by his wider family. Using his surveying skills, he traced a reef missed by previous owners, and commenced to develop the mines systematically. He also spent several years improving the battery, experimenting with new treatment processes and seeking a patent for a gold saving method. Like all mine owners, Hardy tried to work his property as cheaply as possible, resulting in conflicts with the Thames High School and the county council as he tried to reduce costs. He proved to be very determined in his rows with those he considered his enemies. In addition to developing the Premier mine, profitably, he tested other ground, notable the Big Blow. He supervised both battery and mines, but as he did not have a mine manager’s certificate had to employ a series of managers for the latter. After obtaining a good return for several years, in 1904 he formed Hardy’s Mines Ltd, retaining a financial interest and for a time supervising its work before becoming involved with other mines and clashing with the company he had formed. Hardy also held interests in mining companies in other districts. After leaving Waiorongomai, he settled in Te Kuiti and worked as a surveyor, a purchaser of Maori land, and a farmer. As at Coromandel and Waiorongomai, he was prominent in the local community, notably as a member of the borough council and Te Kuiti’s second mayor. Over time, his financial state deteriorated, partly through being involved with some very dubious businessmen and their schemes. In 1931 he returned to Waiorongomai to show his son Malcolm where he knew of some good ore, but died in dramatic circumstances before he could show him the location. For some time Hardy profited from mining, partly because he took over existing workings and partly because he was able to find ore that others had missed, but as with all mining, profits faded and he had to find other ways to earn a living. But compared with other mine owners at Waiorongomai, he was, for a time, very successful.

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  • William Morris Newsham: a prospector and miner in the Te Aroha district

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    New Zealand-born William Morris Newsham fought against Maori without suffering any mishaps, but when aged 35 had the most perilous experience of his life. When assisting to survey a potential railway line in the King Country, he was captured by one prophet, Te Mahuki, and rescued by another, Te Kooti, after a harsh ordeal. After mining at Coromandel and Thames, in 1889 he settled in the Te Aroha district, taking whatever work was available. For the remainder of his life he was a small-scale miner, tributer, prospector, and operator of battery and tailings plants. Most of the 1890s was spent on the Waiorongomai field, but in the early twentieth century he explored nearby, his most notable claims being the Pick and Dish, close to the summit of Te Aroha. All his mining was done in small mining parties, sometimes backed by local small businessmen. He never ceased to search for gold, but found little of value, and achieved only a modest return from all his hard work.

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  • Charles Manuel: a miner and farmer in the Te Aroha district

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Born in Cornwall, Charles Manuel claimed to have mined from an early age. From 1876 onwards he mined at and near Thames, one notably experience being ‘gassed’ during a rescue attempt in the Caledonian mine. Although from the 1880s and until the end of his life he also farmed and took up a variety of contracts, he never abandoned mining, becoming a mine manager in 1896 and working on several Hauraki fields into the early twentieth century. To defend his interests in one mine, he threatened rivals with a revolver. His brother-in-law, William Deeble, was associated with him in various activities, notably on the Thames County Council, where they were a disruptive element. In 1900 he became a farmer in the Piako district, and in 1908 became involved in Waiorongomai mining, obtaining claims and being a director of the Bendigo and Seddon companies. A colleague in these mining ventures was John Endean, along with his wife and son. As a member of the Piako County Council he worked hard for the community, as usual, but also as usual was pugnacious and difficult to work with. In politics, also, he always spoke his mind. A hard worker in his private affairs and public issues, he was successful financially.

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  • The Bendigo battery: the last Waiorongomai battery

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    The Bendigo Battery was erected to treat ore from the mine of the same name, which was worked on a small scale, with the usual reportedly encouraging prospects, during the early twentieth century. Its site had been selected for a batter in previous decades but never used. The Bendigo Company was, as usual, under-capitalized, but some of its shareholders had experience of mining and must have optimistically expected successful share trading if not mining. But it struggled to obtain calls and meet its debts. The company’s small-scale mining was sufficiently encouraging for it to commence work on its battery in 1909. Progress was very slow, handicapped by legal squabbles, and it did not commence operations until late 1911. Full details are provided of the machinery and processes used. It quickly proved to be unprofitable and was abandoned in 1913, for which the poverty of the ore rather than the treatment process was most to blame. From 1914 onwards, others took over the ground, doing some more prospecting and modifying the treatment, notably by introducing the oil flotation process. After the late 1920s it was no longer used, although its last owner still hoped to make more improvements. After he died, the machinery was stolen.

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