1,758 results for Working or discussion paper

  • The drink problem in the Te Aroha district

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    This paper deals with the downside of drinking alcohol, not with its pleasures experienced by those indulging. Public drunkenness was always deplored, in part because it led to accidents and to criminal behaviour, in particular violence. Details of who became drunkards is given, with examples of some notable drunkards, one of them a leading businessman, and also of how women were affected by having drunken husbands. And two female drunkards are included. To control drunkards, prohibition orders were sometimes issued, but the thirsty had various ways of evading these. Sly grog seems to have been a minor problem, perhaps because there were so many hotels. Details are given of these and how they were conducted, along with accounts of the lives of several prominent publicans, some of whom became a prey to intemperance, an occupational hazard with significant consequences for their health. Because polite members of society and those suffering from drunkards wasting their family’s money were appalled by the behaviour described here, a strong temperance movement developed in response.

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  • Children’s lives in the Te Aroha district

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Exaggerated claims have been made about the joys experienced by children living on goldfields, but indeed many did have happy memories. Childhood for many included working to supplement the family income at quite a young age, and examples are given of the wide variety of work undertaken. Some jobs, as in the battery, was exhausting, none were highly paid, and not all young workers were well treated. Life could be dangerous, as illustrated by the variety of accidents, some fatal. The river claimed some lives, as did fires in homes. Ill health was common, with periodic epidemics causing deaths – some families experienced multiple deaths. Abandoned or uncontrollable children were sent to Industrial Homes, and some stepmothers lived up to their reputations, and several children suffered from cruel treatment. Although most juvenile crimes were of a minor nature, early experimentation caused moral panic amongst parents. Adults provided organized activities of an improving nature, especially sports and social gatherings, and some even went on trips to other places. Military cadets were formed, and it was possible to participate in arts and crafts, including music. And all children had ways to make their own, unorganized, fun. All of which suggests that for most children, while their life was not as idyllic as some would claim, it was generally happy.

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  • Education in the Te Aroha district in the nineteenth century

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Establishing a school at Te Aroha was delayed while the Education Board waited to see whether the settlement would become permanent. In the interim, temporary arrangements were made. Although some praised the building finally erected, others noted such defects as being cold in winter, and residents met some of the costs of necessary improvements. Details are given of all the teachers, of the development of the school, of the number of pupils, and of the quality of the teaching. At Waiorongomai there was same sequence of erecting and improving the school, and details are given of all the teachers and their teaching. In both communities, residents had to raise money through holding entertainments to fund necessary improvements. Examples of the curriculum are given, along with school inspectors’ reports on the effectiveness of the teaching. Patriotism was emphasized, and corporal punishment was a normal method of control. Irregular attendance handicapped many children’s success, and some parents clearly did not care about sending their children to school regularly. To vary the school year, there were occasional events such as Arbor Day, and a ‘treat’ was held at the end of every year. Providing religious education provoked controversy; and some attempts were made to provide much needed adult education. To conclude, the life of a particularly popular teacher, James William Rennick, is given in as much detail as is available. (Note that ‘most of the early records’ of the Te Aroha school ‘were destroyed by fire’, making a complete history of its early years impossible.)

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  • Larrikins in the Te Aroha district, mostly in the nineteenth century

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Larrikinism was offensive to the respectable, who worried about its causes and what was to be done to curtail it. Examples are given of the wide variety of petty but annoying behaviour indulged in by young men, at all kinds of events. Even entertainments and church services were not immune. Characteristics included bad language, loafing, noise, abuse, vulgarity, furious riding, playing football in a manner than endangered others, vandalism, and being affected by alcohol. Examples are given of the remarkable number of times that larrikins disrupted church services and meetings, along with temperance gatherings. A variety of social events were affected, and even the reading room in the library was not immune. In particular, larrikins infested the domain and its hot baths, potentially threatening the tourist trade. Annoying women was common, and New Year’s Eve provided another opportunity for making trouble. Vandalism of both public and private property caused on-going concern. And some vandals came from elsewhere to annoy the locals. To cope with larrikinism, some solutions such as special clubs for the young were suggested, but had little success, as the problem never went away. Perhaps the problem was exaggerated, for although it never went away, normally larrikinism did not lead to a life of crime. ‘Youthful high spirits’, perhaps, but irritating none the less.

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  • The temperance movement in the Te Aroha district

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    As over-indulgence in strong drink was seen as a serious moral and social issue, some churches and the local newspaper publicized the temperance cause. Visiting temperance crusaders made some impact, but most of the work to promote the cause was done by the Te Aroha and Waiorongomai Bands of Hope. Details are given of the meetings and the leaders, the latter being crucial, as the cause flourished with good leaders but floundered without them. Attempts are made to estimate the success of the movement, which undoubtedly was less than some enthusiasts claimed. The law could be used to control hotels and to limit their numbers. Some enthusiasts went further still, advocating total prohibition. To illustrate the types of people who were involved and to show how they worked for the cause, the lives of some leading temperance advocates are examined.

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  • Religion in the Te Aroha district

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    The Christians of the district were split into a variety of denominations, though only a few had strong followings. Opinions varied about the religious zeal of miners, and although the first services to be held after the initial rush to the new goldfield were well attended, this may at least in part have been out of curiosity. The Protestant denominations were notable for ecumenical activities, notably in the temperance movement, running societies for the young, and evangelical crusades. They encouraged religious education, and the only Sunday School, run by the Wesleyans, was attended by children from other denominations. Special meetings and entertainments held by Protestants to attract converts and to strengthen the faith of believers were regularly held and attended by many, even some Catholics. In general, relations between Protestants and Catholics were warm, and there were some ‘mixed marriages’. Details are given of the development of the Anglican, Presbyterian, Methodist, and Catholic churches, covering the erection and expansion of church buildings, their clergy, the expansion of their congregations, and special activities, both social and religious – the former because of the constant need to raise funds. It is impossible to prove the extent and depth of belief, but the moral behaviour of some residents meant that continual efforts were seen as necessary to get them to change their ways.

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  • Ngati Rahiri versus Ngati Tamatera

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Conflict between Ngati Tamatera, of Ohinemuri, and Ngati Rahiri, of Te Aroha, was provoked by the latter believing that members of other hapu had received money for the Aroha Block to which they were not entitled. In addition, the two hapu disagreed over the block’s northern boundary. In early 1877 Ngati Rahiri threatened violence and even fired over the heads of several rangatira passing through their land, thereby challenging their right to intrude on it. In response, Ngati Tamatera, with the assistance of Ngati Koi, blocked the road to Te Aroha and also the Waihou River against Ngati Rahiri, although they permitted Pakeha to pass. Pakeha took a relaxed attitude to the conflict, not expecting any real battles occurring during a squabble they understood to have been caused by members of an inferior hapu having their names wrongly included in Crown grants. After Ngati Tamatera erected two small and unimpressive pa to block both road and river, Ngati Rahiri retaliated by constructing a similarly unimpressive pa at Omahu, their settlement at Te Aroha. Apart from much posturing, the only actions taken were Ngati Tamatera sending back to Omahu an aged woman who had come down the river in a canoe and Ngati Rahiri stealing pigs and peaches and firing shots near a settlement. The Native Minister and various officials, notably James Mackay, intervened to resolve the conflict, which was ended with a reconciliation initiated by Ngati Tamatera and formalized by a large meeting of both hapu at Omahu. Once this quarrel was settled, negotiations to enable the Crown to purchase the Aroha Block were resumed.

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  • The Aroha block from 1880 onwards

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    With the discovery of gold in 1880 and the pressure to open the land for mining, there was a need to determine the boundaries of the Ngati Rahiri reserves and to subdivide these amongst the owners. As well, terms for paying goldfields revenue had to be negotiated before the goldfield could be opened, and after its opening the claims of Maori with little or no basis for their claims of ownership had to be investigated. Wairakau reserve, outside the goldfield, was not subdivided until mid-1882, and arguments over the ownership of Tui Pa continued well into the twentieth century. At first, sales of Crown land found few takers, especially because the farm sections required draining before they could be developed. Ngati Rahiri reserves were designated as being inalienable, but they could be leased for 21 years, as some portions were, at low rates. Very quickly, officials, who feared Maori would become landless, had to fend off requests to remove restrictions on sale made by owners who in some instances lived far from Te Aroha and who all wanted to obtain money from selling land of little use to them. The indebtedness of some owners led to continued pressure to sell, though often the money they received was wasted. With the fading of the goldfield, miners sought land for farms, and were frustrated at the Crown not purchasing the Ngati Rahiri reserves. Land was acquired by the Crown to extend the hot springs domain, and after negotiating improved leases in the Te Aroha township the freehold of this settlement was acquired. Some Maori retained their land, which Pakeha accused them of not improving; Maori requests that the government provide training in farming methods were ignored. By the twentieth century most Ngati Rahiri had become landless, but as many examples illustrate, this was commonly because cash-strapped owners insisted on selling their interests for an immediate financial return.

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  • The Daldy Mcwilliams ‘Outrage’ of 1879

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    In the later 1870s, conflicts developed near Paeroa between a small hapu, Ngati Hako, and other hapu over land sales and surveys. In 1879, after some members of Ngati Koi offered to sell the Pukehanga Block, at Rotokohu, between Paeroa and Te Aroha, to the Crown, surveyors were sent to determine the boundaries despite threats of violence from Ngati Hako. These threats became a reality with shots being fired, wounding a surveyor’s assistant, ‘Daldy’ McWilliams, who survived by playing dead. Despite Pakeha fury about a ‘weak’ response, officials reacted cautiously, fearing to provoke a wider conflict. Instead of trying to arrest the two men accused of the attempted murder, which would have been difficult, because Ngati Hako claimed their action was justified the Native Minister encouraged senior Hauraki rangatira to convene a rununga to examine their claim. Ngati Hako said that the block of land was theirs, and as previously other land had been surveyed without their permission they had taken this action. The government was criticized for paying advances on a block that had not been through the land court, and the rununga determined that although Ngati Hako had acted wrongfully, their action could be justified. When Ngati Hako refused to hand over the two accused to the authorities, the rununga claimed not to have the power to hand them over; Ngati Hako then constructed two pa to defend themselves. Such actions provoked much frustration and criticisms of the government amongst Pakeha, but officials who investigated Ngati Hako’s complaints agreed that they had indeed lost land unjustly. Once the owners of a large domain, they had lost their land to the invading Marutuahu, whose slaves they became. When the two accused were arrested in 1882 one was found not guilty and the other was amnestied after eight months in prison because it was believed that, as rangatira, they probably had not fired the shots but had taken the responsibility for the actions of their hapu. As for McWilliams, he received what he considered inadequate compensation. This ‘outrage’ was the first and only time in Hauraki that a Maori had shot a Pakeha, and the government’s cautious but firm response meant that the ‘peace of Hauraki’, although disturbed for a while, was maintained.

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  • Maori Te Aroha before the opening of the goldfield (mostly through Pakeha eyes)

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    The various names of the peaks of the mountain and the legends concerning it reflected a violent past. As proof, several pa have been located, both at Te Aroha and at Waiorongomai, and the names of some of the streams indicate the nature and consequences of the battles fought in this contested area. Ngati Rahiri was subdivided into three hapu: Ngati Tumutumu, Hgati Hue, and Ngati Kopirimau, descendents of these ancestors. In the nineteenth century, when the population was small, Hou was the senior rangatira, with Tutuki being the subordinate rangatira of the plains. A pa (later known as Tui pa) was constructed at Omahu, to the north of the hot springs, which were prized by Maori and increasingly enjoyed by Pakeha. Some of the land was cultivated, though visiting Pakeha considered that settlers could do much more to develop the agricultural potential. Most Ngati Rahiri were regarded as being ‘friendly’, welcoming (and benefiting from) visitors. Elaborate welcoming ceremonies were held for officials and rangatira, and a hotel operated by a rangatira’s son provided basic accommodation. Under Maori auspices the first race day was held in January 1878. Also in 1878, negotiators obtained an agreement to make a road to Paeroa, using Maori workers, and as the benefits of such improvements became apparent there was increased willingness to permit the construction of more roads, a bridge, and the snagging of the river, over the objections of a minority. Pakeha disapproved of how money raised through land sales in particular were wasted on extravagant displays of mana, which were not possible after the end of the 1870s because of lack of money, necessitating seeking paid employment. Friendly contact increased steadily, apart from occasional worries prompted by such events as the shooting of Daldy McWilliams, and a football match in May 1880 reportedly revealed ‘the utmost friendly feeling’ existing between Maori and Pakeha.

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  • John William Richard Guilding

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Born in Auckland in 1842, by his late teenage years John William Richard Guilding was trading with Maori in the Piako district. Protected by a rangatira, he established a store at Kerepehi, but despite being known to be ‘friendly’ with Maori he was driven off after the start of the Waikato War. In 1864, again with the approval of a rangatira, he erected a store on the site of the future township of Thames. Although he claimed to have found signs of gold there, he was not the prospector who produced the samples that led to the opening of the goldfield. In 1869 he was appointed a licensed interpreter, in which role he assisted both the Crown and private individuals to acquire Maori land. Some of these transactions created controversy, and he was accused of tricking Maori. In 1875 his attempt to use his position as James Mackay’s interpreter to acquire a lease of land at Tairua for his own financial gain provoked much criticism, and his ‘irregular practices’ led to his dismissal as a licensed interpreter in 1883. He would continue to act for individuals as both an interpreter and a land agent in Ohinemuri and Te Aroha in subsequent years. Guilding’s close links with Maori were in part explained by his private life. Having married a ‘half-caste’ who later left him for another man, he had three more ‘marriages’ and several more children, who were brought up in Pakeha ways. Financially, he always struggled, filing as bankrupt twice and dying in straightened circumstances. At Te Aroha he held several minor official positions, sometimes being criticized for his performance. Active in local politics, he was generally unpopular and was never elected to the positions he sought. Throughout his life his reputation amongst a sizeable number of his contemporaries was poor.

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  • William Grey Nicholls and Rihitoto Mataia

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    The son of a Pakeha Maori, Nicholls had an illustrious ancestry on his mother’s side, and his wife Rihitoto Mataia also had a distinguished whakapapa. From the 1870s Nicholls farmed in Ohinemuri, and as a licensed interpreter played an important role in land transactions at the same time as he was becoming prominent in the Pakeha community. For over 30 years he invested in mining, starting at Te Aroha in 1880. He also invested in a variety of other enterprises, becoming prosperous through these investments, his farming, and in particular by acquiring and selling land. Over a 40-year period, Nicholls conducted many cases in the land court, and assisted Pakeha to acquire Maori land, and also acquired a considerable amount of land for himself and Rihitoto, who inherited many blocks from her father (but had to pay off his massive debts). Whereas Rihitoto was a prominent leader in the Maori community of Hauraki, Nicholls had the same role in Pakeha society. Active in a variety of initiatives to benefit the Ohinemuri community, he was a popular member and chairman of the Ohinemuri County Council, and late in life was elevated to the Legislative Council. Reputedly he assisted Maori in various ways, but clearly he identified rather more with his Pakeha ancestry. His career was a remarkably successful one, and his wife was also successful in maximizing the benefits that could be derived from her ancestry.

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  • Maori at Te Aroha after the opening of the goldfield in 1880 (mostly through Pakeha eyes)

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    As the Maori population continued to decline, the aged rangatira admired by Pakeha (even including those who had fought against the Crown) gradually died off, to be replaced by Maori more noted for their drinking and occasional violence than their prestige. Although concerts and haka were popular with many Pakeha, much Maori behaviour was mocked, including by children. Many Maori were seen as being unsophisticated, unable to express themselves properly in English, and prone to drunkenness and laziness, whereas those who adopted Pakeha ways were praised. Some Pakeha sympathized with poverty-stricken Maori and regretted the decline of their language. There were many examples of close and friendly relations and of Maori assisting Pakeha in trouble, but in general they lived geographically separate lives. To earn money, Maori were forced to work at road making, timber cutting, gum digging, and farming what land remained in their possession. Most Maori struggled financially, their limited resources being stretched by holding expensive tangi and entertaining visitors – resulting in more land sales. They used the court system to defend their economic interests. Ngati Rahiri (including supporters of the Kingitanga) were seen as ‘loyal’ to the Crown, and visiting Maori kings received kindly treatment from Pakeha as well as from Maori. Poor health prompted some government assistance, but poor housing remained, although some attempts were made to improve it (partly to protect Pakeha from diseases). Before the twentieth century only a few children, mostly ‘half-castes’, were educated. Most Ngati Rahiri were members of the Church of England before being attracted by the new Mormon faith. Ngati Rahiri participated with Pakeha in horse races, sporting contests, and, especially, rugby, and a few joined the Volunteers. Much less desirable to most residents was their heavy drinking (encouraged by some publicans and their Pakeha drinking buddies), and occasional fights, very occasionally with Pakeha. Overall, Pakeha ways, both good and bad, of necessity were adopted, and Ngati Rahiri became inextricably a subordinate part of the Pakeha community, although still retaining some distinctive features. (Note: Unless otherwise indicated, all those named in this paper, both Maori and Pakeha, were shareholders in claims in the Te Aroha district.)

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  • Piahana Hou: a Ngati Rahiri rangatira

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Piahana Hou, as the half-brother of Karauna Hou, had an illustrious ancestry, but to Pakeha he was known as, briefly, the skipper of a river steamer and, for most of his life, as a labourer. His interests in several blocks of land enabled him to obtain money through selling some of his holdings, but he never became prosperous. He had minimal involvement in mining at Te Aroha. Piahana came to prominence not as a rangatira but as a drunk, who was even involved in a bar fight at Te Aroha. Despite this weakness, his high status meant that hundreds attended his splendid tangi. Unlike some other rangatira, he did not use his status to play an important role in either Maori or Pakeha society.

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  • Keepa Te Wharau: a Ngati Rahiri rangatira

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Keepa Te Wharau’s whakapapa linked him, unusually, to both Ngati Maru and Ngati Haua. Through these connections he was associated with the Te Aroha district from an early age, visiting it on several occasions and even cultivating there, briefly. When the block was before the land court he gave evidence – though his evidence in a later succession case was clearly wrong, deliberately so. Having interests in several blocks of land, he falsely claimed not to have received money for the Aroha Block, using the excuse of drunkenness, for which he was before the court on several occasions. He would sell land, as would his children, to meet living expenses. He invested in two goldfields, Thames and Te Aroha, very modestly. A leading rangatira, he was notable for his loyalty to the Crown.

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  • ‘Revolting murder at Te Aroha’ in 1881

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    The brutal murder of Hamiona Haira, who had been mining with his two brothers and his father-in-law, shocked the new settlement. Being a member of Ngati Koe and Ngati Hako, these hapu threatened utu on the Pakeha responsible, causing both Maori and Pakeha miners to abandon their claims at Tui. Suspicion immediately fell on John Procoffy, a Finn, and evidence was quickly collected, officials being anxious to obtain a speedy conviction to avoid an innocent Pakeha being killed in revenge. Rangatira agreed to let the courts deal with the case, although some Pakeha criticized the government for being too anxious to appease Maori. After a coroner’s inquest, which included Maori as members of the jury, returned a verdict of murder by ‘person or persons unknown’, Procoffy faced two trials. As the prosecution was handicapped by the limitations of contemporary forensic skills, its case was largely circumstantial. Although the police were certain they had their murderer, others were not convinced, and there was a reluctance to convict because of the death penalty. The final outcome was a verdict of not guilty, which, as was pointed out, should have been ‘not proven’. Procoffy fled the country. His acquittal was accepted by Maori leaders, and calm returned to Te Aroha.

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  • Reha Aperahama: a Ngati Rahiri rangatira

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Reha Aperahama had an illustrious whakapapa and was affiliated to several hapu. His father was notable as one of the most loyal rangatira (from the Crown’s perspective) in Hauraki, and Reha followed his lead, probably in part because of the financial rewards he received from selling land to settlers. He tried to maximize his income from this source, spending several years pleading for permission to sell his Te Kawana block (near Te Aroha). After opposing Ngati Haua ambitions to acquire the Aroha block, by 1878 he was willing to encourage road building. Reha was regularly before the courts because of his inability or reluctance to pay his debts, occasionally perjuring himself to avoid liability. In his later years he had little money. Despite occasionally being drunk and even violent, he was an important figure in Maori society, with a leadership role in his hapu and in the Mormon church. He was also notable for his marital complications.

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  • Akuhata Mokena: Eldest son of Mokena Hou

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Akuhata Mokena was recorded as being the first child of Mokena Hou and Rina. By the early 1860s he was living at the northern boundary of the Aroha Block as well as at Puriri, where he dug kauri gum. From 1857 to 1868 he also cultivated close to the southern edge of the future Thames township. Having run cattle on the Aroha block from 1867 onwards, he settled there in 1878, operating the first hotel to be erected at the hot springs. In the land court he tried to obtain interests in as many land blocks as possible, and obtained income by selling some of these. After a brief involvement in Te Aroha mining, when he was the only member of his family to delay ceding their land for mining, he returned to live at Puriri. He also invested, very modestly, in mining at Thames and Puriri. A rangatira who was steadfastly loyal to the Crownt, when he died without issue his estate became a cause of conflict between Maori and Pakeha perceptions of how it should be shared amongst his wife and his family.

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  • Maori and mining at Te Aroha

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Before the existence of gold was confirmed at Te Aroha, the Ngati Rahiri reserves were finally delineated. For long there had been rumours of gold, but prospecting was not permitted until 1880. Once Hone Werahiko found what might be a payable goldfield on Maori land, one could not be proclaimed until an agreement was reached with the landowners. To prevent confusion, and to be fair to Ngati Rahiri, it was decided to create a separate mining district. Members of Ngati Rahiri were divided over the terms of an agreement, with some (possibly prompted by Pakeha) demanding a bonus of £1,000. Rangatira who had received income from the Thames field ignored this demand and agreed to open their land in the expectation of receiving a steady supply of money from mining plus timber cutting rights and residence and business site licenses. Mokena Hou was especially supportive of prospecting and opening his land, and had a township, known as Morgantown, surveyed (his daughter Ema, wife of George Lipsey, owned the adjacent Lipseytown). The agreement specified all the fees to be paid, and permitted Maori to withdraw their land from the goldfield. Right up to opening day, demands were made for a bonus, but the opening went smoothly, with Mokena and another rangatira participating in the ceremony and many Maori marking out claims. Maori from many hapu were shareholders in all parts of the goldfield, and some actively worked their claims, usually guided by an experienced Pakeha miner. Encouraged by the Te Aroha rush, some Maori prospected elsewhere. Revenue from the new field soon declined as it faded, prompting complaints and officials requiring all those working on Maori land to hold a miner’s right. Although most Ngati Rahiri did not benefit, the Mokena family most certainly did, and treated the revenue they received as their own personal income.

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  • Aihe Pepene

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Sharing the same illustrious whakapapa as his brother Reha Aperahama, Aihe Pepene was prominent when living in the Thames district before settling at Te Aroha in 1878. When speculators tried to acquire the Thames foreshore from Pepene and others in 1870, he became involved in the subsequent legal actions over unpaid promissory notes. Later he would acquire interests in many blocks of land, and received a steady income by leasing or selling these plus his share in the goldfields revenue. When the Aroha Block was considered by the land court for the last time, in 1878, he conducted the case for Ngati Rahiri. He invested in four Hauraki goldfields, and was briefly an owner and skipper of two small river steamers, an unsuccessful endeavour that resulted in his being forced to sell more land to meet his debts. Once his 1880 and 1881 financial difficulties were resolved, no more such problems recurred. A leading rangatira in Hauraki generally as well as at Te Aroha, he would be elected to a Maori Committee that was soon revealed to have no significance. Closely involved with Pakeha, he assisted settlement, and his loyalty to the Crown was illustrated by his becoming an officer in the Thames Native Volunteer Corps. A member of the Church of England for many years, like many Maori he became a Mormon, a faith perhaps more appropriate to his private life, for he had more than one wife, notoriously eloping with the wife of a more senior rangatira despite already being married.

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