1,750 results for Working or discussion paper

  • PBRF on the horizon

    Smith, Ron C. (2008-09-13)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    New Zealand universities spend a great deal of time and money evaluating the research outputs of their staff in the cause of Performance Based Research Funding (PBRF). This time and money is wasted since the assumptions that lie behind this process are fatally flawed and the results are neither valid nor fair. Additionally PBRF is inconsistent with the universities’ obligations to be ‘critic and conscience’ for society and to scholarship, itself. The paper argues that no further assessments of this kind should be undertaken.

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  • The ‘ins and outs’ of work – diversity or homogeneity in New Zealand women’s employment patterns?

    Hillcoat-Nallétamby, Sarah; Baxendine, Sandra (2005-03)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    New Zealand has experienced sustained increases in women’s labour force participation since the post-war period. The Census of Population and Dwellings and the Household Labour Force Survey provide aggregate-level insights into labour force behaviour, relying on the compilation of cross-sectional data to provide indicators of long-term trends to women’s employment. What these data sources do not offer are clear pictures of the sequencing of women’s employment across the life course, in terms of periods in and out of work. These patterns have however been identified as key factors influencing women’s capacity to save and the persistence of gendered occupational status and earnings disparities. When observed across time, work patterns also provide insights to the changing overall lifetime attachment of women to the labour market. Using data from the 1995 sample survey New Zealand Women: Family, Employment, Education, we present descriptive findings on the work patterns of women born between 1936 and 1965, and use graphical techniques to depict these patterns in terms of spells in and out of work. A cohort perspective is taken. We then proceed to summarise the details of these individual work histories using summary measures which can then be corelated with potential explanatory factors.

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  • Exuberance in historical stock prices during the Mississippi and South Seas bubble episodes

    Hu, Yang; Oxley, Les (2017)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    The Mississippi Bubble and the South Sea Bubble are the two most famous and earliest episodes in the history of speculation, which can be dated back to the eighteenth century. Unlike most studies focus on some recent financial bubble footprints, we pay special attention to the most remarkable events in 1720. We empirically test for evidence of exuberance in historical stock prices of the Mississippi Company and the South Sea Company during the well-documented Mississippi Bubble and South Sea Bubble episodes, respectively. The right-tailed unit root test of Phillips, Shi and Yu (2015, PSY) is utilised in this paper. In addition, contagion in these historical markets is also considered.

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  • The demographic implications of climate change for Aotearoa New Zealand: A review

    Cameron, Michael Patrick (2013-07)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Despite near universal recognition of the importance of climate change impacts on future generations, to date there has been no dedicated research on the effects of climate change on the population distribution in Aotearoa New Zealand. This paper reports on a review of international literature on the demographic impacts of climate change, with a particular focus on the likely implications for New Zealand. The paper argues that the greatest impacts are likely to be felt in terms of internal migration changes, with smaller but still significant effects on international migration and mortality rates.

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  • Introductory notes to working paper series ‘a social history of mining in the Te Aroha mining district’

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    These working papers are provided as a resource for historians and genealogists. When covering the lives of individuals, they are deliberately as detailed as possible – possibly too detailed on such aspects as land ownership, but the intention is to provide as much information as is traceable. The nature of my research was inspired by the farewell address given by Sir Keith Hancock when he retired from being head of the History Department in the Research School of Social Sciences, Australian National University, when I was a student there. He included the comment that, in his retirement, he would tend his own garden; not meaning an intention to turn from historical research to gardening but to focus his research on his own locality, meaning the district of Monaro to the south of Canberra. The outcome was his publication, through Cambridge University Press, in 1972, of his excellent Discovering Monaro: A study of man’s inpact on his environment. The structure of this book combined a general analysis of geology, weather patterns, farming practices, and many other issues with case studies of farmers and others who lived in and developed the district. As this is a social history of the Te Aroha district, concentrating on mining, his example has been followed, with general papers being combined with personal accounts that illustrate the points made in the former papers. For instance, there is a paper on the skills required for successful prospecting, and the paper on Billy Nicholl relates the story of one of the most successful prospectors (successful at Waihi, that is, much less so elsewhere). As an unexpectedly large amounts of information was uncovered about some of those included in the case studies, the latter have ballooned far beyond the modest mini-biographies originally anticipated.

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  • The Te Aroha hot springs (mainly in the nineteenth century)

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Unique amongst New Zealand mining districts, the hot springs sited at the base of the mountain were popular with miners, residents, and an increasing number of visitors. Highly valued by Maori for their medicinal qualities, Pakeha visited them well before gold was discovered. Acquired by the Crown as part of the purchase of the Aroha Block, contention arose over whether the springs had been gifted to the Crown and whether Maori should be charged for using them. The provision of a small but free bath to Ngati Rahiri did not satisfy them. After Pakeha settled, the springs were developed and the surrounding domain was landscaped. Analysis of the water by experts produced claims about its curative qualities and many miracle cures were claimed, and the water was bottled until more recent analyses traced the existence of arsenic. Men reputedly skilled in hydropathy and similar ‘sciences’ were appointed to assist those suffering from rheumatism and the like. A local board beautified the area until the domain was taken over by the Tourist Department. Many tourists from throughout New Zealand and abroad were attracted by the facilities, which included a library, but some noticed a lack of cleanliness and were annoyed by larrikins. Despite such problems, as mining faded Te Aroha profited from becoming a tourist destination and sanatorium.

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  • Maori and mining in New Zealand and beyond

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Before the arrival of Europeans, Maori had known of the existence of gold but did not mine it and had no understanding of its value. Once mining commenced in California in 1849 and Australia in the early 1850s, many Maori participated on several fields, especially in Victoria. When gold was first discovered in New Zealand, at Coromandel in 1852, Maori were keen to learn prospecting skills, and soon found gold in several parts of both the North and South Islands. Some alluvial claims were worked communally, even some women participating. From the start, Maori were determined to protect their rights against Pakeha when they were rivals for the same ground. On the Hauraki Peninsula, which had no alluvial gold, Maori were prospectors rather than miners. Some were successful, often going against the wishes of rangatira who, fearing that opening goldfields would result in their losing their land, refused access to prospectors, particularly in Ohinemuri. At Thames, Maori prospectors succeeded where Pakeha ones had failed, finding the gold that led to the 1867 rush; a rush encouraged by one rangatira in particular, Wirope Hoterene Taipari, who understood how a successful field would benefit him financially (including obtaining a reward for discovering a payable goldfield). After the opening of this field, some Maori prospected throughout the peninsula and elsewhere for the remainder of the century, with varying success but with some good finds, particularly at Kuaotunu. A few even participated in the Klondike rush. By the twentieth century, Maori were overcoming their reluctance to mine underground, notably in the coalmines of the Waikato, but until then almost none had seen mining as a full-time career. Indigenous inhabitants throughout the world successfully prospected for precious metals, but their achievements were commonly written out of history, as for example in Australia, where Aboriginal involvement is only now being uncovered. In New Zealand also, Maori achievements, although well known to contemporaries, have largely been forgotten. At the time, Maori prospector’s successes were praised and many became owners of claims, and in some cases benefited financially from their involvement in mining.

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  • Hoera Te Mimiha

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Hoera Te Mimiha was a rangatira of Ngati Koi, an inferior hapu to Ngati Tamatera, and had affiliations to other hapu. Although to Pakeha he was a mere labourer, in Maori society in Ohinemuri in the 1870s and 1880s he was a leading figure. Details have been traced of his whakapapa, his wider family, and especially his children, one of whom married Hone Werahiko. Mimiha spent much time in the Maori Land Court trying to prove his entitlement to be included as an owner of several blocks of land, not always successfully, for he could not prove some of his cases either through ancestry or occupation. Other rangatira with superior whakapapa were able to show the weaknesses of some of his claims, forcing him into giving evasive answers to cross-examination. His evidence did reveal what land he had occupied and farmed. Mimiha willingly sold land, including his interest in the Ohinemuri goldfield (the boundaries of which he had pointed out to surveyors), and obtained a good income, for a time. Being interested in mining from the early 1870s onwards, he was one of the few Maori willing to descend a shaft at Thames, an experience that encouraged him to push for opening Ohinemuri to mining, even, it seemed, if that endangered Maori control of their land. Having prospected at Karangahake before it was opened to mining in 1875, he participated in this rush and subsequently in the Te Aroha one of 1880, having interests in claims at all three portions of the latter field. When his daughter’s partner was murdered at Te Aroha, he calmed Maori anger, once again winning the gratitude of Pakeha. Because of selling much of his land, he struggled financially, although unlike some Maori he did not drink his money away. Cutting off part of the ear of a Pakeha accused of raping his wife resulted in several court cases marked by dubious evidence presented by both sides. After being imprisoned for perjury, efforts by Pakeha to have his conviction reviewed resulted in his being judged to have been the only witness not to have lied to the court, but this sordid affair blackened his character.

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  • Mokena Hou and his wife Rina

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Mokena Hou had a distinguished whakapapa, but as nephew to Hou was subordinate to the latter’s son, Karauna Hou. He was born near the Te Aroha hot pools, and his future wife, Rina, who also had illustrious ancestors, including some Ngati Haua, was born in the same area. Both were affiliated to several hapu. After the Hauraki tribes fled from Ngapuhi in 1821, he would be present at the battle of Taumatawiwi in 1830 (though he did not fight) and participated in a later siege of the Ngati Haua pa at Matamata. During the 1830s and later, he mostly cultivated land and dug gum in the lower Waihou region and as well as cultivating at Te Aroha. After living at Kaitawa before the Thames goldfield opened, nearby, in 1867, he moved to Te Aroha, where he would live continuously, warding off the ambitions of Ngati Haua. When the land court investigated the ownership of blocks of land in Hauraki, he sought to obtain as many interests as possible, not always successfully, and tried to get more than his fair share of both land and revenue. A devoted Anglican, he assisted the early missionaries to the Waihou region. Wanting peaceful relations with Pakeha, he assisted both the surveying and the settlement of the Aroha Block. When gold was discovered at Te Aroha in 1880, he assisted the prospectors, opened his land for mining and for a township, and invested in some claims, expecting and obtaining a good financial reward. He may have assisted in making the hot pools a public reserve, and certainly gave sections of land within the settlement for public and religious purposes. When he and his wife died a month apart, they were fondly remembered.

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  • Maori land in Hauraki

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Imagining the Hauraki Peninsula to contain payable goldfields and knowing that land to the south of Thames had great agricultural potential, Pakeha were determined to acquire it, and were frustrated by what was considered to be ‘Maori intransigence’. For their part, Maori landowners were justifiably concerned about losing their land, and hindered and delayed opening it to settlement for as long as possible. A major difficulty for officials seeking to acquire land was how to determine boundaries between different blocks and how to identify the true owners when there were rival claims put forward by hapu and individuals. Land purchase agents used a variety of means to get blocks through the land court and then to individualize the title, notably the controversial ‘raihana’ policy, which benefited some landowners at the expense of others. The expensive legal process involved often forced those who had proved their ownership to sell land to pay for their success, a success which resulted in grantees treating the land as their personal property rather than tribal property. Some Pakeha as well as many Maori protested at the unfair process; even James Mackay, the most effective practitioner of raihana, came to lament his success and its consequences for the younger generation of Maori (he blamed the system, not himself). When far too late, it was urged that land should have been leased rather than sold and that proceeds from sales should not have been squandered. Instead of having commissions of enquiry, as some suggested, the land court system meant that judges determined ownership on the evidence presented to them, even though some owners were not present nor had their interests represented. Sometimes the evidence was false, as was admitted by some witnesses when their perjury was exposed. And in the case of the Ohinemuri district, for which the records survive, when the land was sold to the Crown some Maori received too much money, some too little, and some missed out altogether. The struggles to open Ohinemuri to miners and settlers is examined in detail, revealing that some rangatira expected economic gain and that Te Hira’s party, who opposed the opening, were undermined by some of Te Hira’s followers: being ‘Hauhau’, they refused to take money from the Crown but instead took raihana, meaning goods which were charged against their land in a way they did not understand. Nor did anyone fully understand the system apart from Mackay, whose policy was eventually repudiated by the politicians who had encouraged it previously. Not all land was lost, but because the government did not assist landowners with advice and finance until well into the twentieth century what land that was retained could not be developed adequately.

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  • William Nicholls, Hera Te Whakaawa, and their children

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Two years after arriving in New Zealand in 1840, William Nicholls married Hera Te Whakaawa, who had an illustrious whakapapa. For the rest of his life he lived as a Pakeha Maori, trading and farming on land owned by his wife. Like other Pakeha, he was excited by the discoveries of gold, and was involved in a minor way with the Coromandel and Thames goldfields and at Te Aroha, near where he was living, where he and one of his sons did some prospecting. The penultimate Pakeha Maori to die in the Te Aroha district, he was a well-respected member of the community. Nicholls ensured that his children were well educated, and in most cases they did well in Pakeha society and made ‘good’ marriages: the daughters to Pakeha and the sons to Maori. The lives of three of his children are summarized; the others are dealt with in other papers.

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  • Joseph Harris Smallman

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Born to a mining agent and trained as a mining surveyor, in 1864, less than a year after the birth of his first child, Smallman left England for New Zealand to establish a ‘Mining business’, promising that his family would join him once it was successful. But they were never asked to join him, and after 1870 he ceased to write to his wife. The ‘Mining business’ never eventuated, but in 1865 he prospected at Thames, unsuccessfully seeking alluvial gold. Although criticized for living off Maori and doing little prospecting, with his partner he investigated several areas of the Hauraki Peninsula, again unsuccessfully. When the Thames goldfield was opened, with his encouragement, two years later, he mined there for some years, proving himself to be a competent miner but not making his fortune. After working elsewhere, by the mid-1870s he was living with another man’s ‘half-caste’ wife on her land near Te Aroha, having five children with her. Happy to be described as a Pakeha Maori and closely associated with the local hapu, he supported them over land dealings and the development of the district. Despite spending most of his time farming, he remained interested in prospecting, and made some explorations in districts closed to Pakeha. After gold was found at Te Aroha, for a short time he worked with Maori partners in unprofitable claims. Either before or after his second wife had a child by another man in 1886, he left New Zealand to return to his English family; and remarkably, despite his first wife knowing that his liaison had produced children, she accepted him back after his long absence, and they remained together for the rest of their lives.

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  • Lavinia and Henry Dunbar Johnson

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Rawinia Manukau, of Ngati Tamatera, married Henry Dunbar Johnson in 1868, when aged 21. Johnson had been a storekeeper at Coromandel from 1863 onwards and after 1866 had the first store at the site of the future Paeroa. In both places, but particularly in the latter, there was always the fear of conflict with the local Maori population, despite his being protected by a rangatira. After spending time at the new Thames goldfield, from 1871 onwards he was a partner in another Paeroa store, being able to erect a house because a rangatira related to his wife wished her to settle there. Lavinia (as she was known to Pakeha) obtained interests in several blocks of land in Ohinemuri, and her husband also acquired some land for a farm. He prospected Karangahake mountain from 1866 onwards, despite Maori opposition, and in 1875 and the following year actively mined there, unprofitably; Lavinia was not involved with this field, but did acquire interests in two claims when the Te Aroha one opened. A petty squabble with a Thames neighbour resulted in Lavinia telling the latter to go back to England – she was feisty in defending her heritage. Through his marriage and close contact with Maori, Johnson understood and admired the Maori language, leading to his being appointed a licensed interpreter in 1872. After being a leading pioneer of Paeroa, in 1879 he went to Wellington to work in the Native Office, leaving his wife and family behind for a while; after then she was employed by Pakeha as a nurse and midwife. In 1885 Johnson was appointed to oversee the development of Rotorua, where he attempted to have Maori children educated (as his own were) and had to cope with the aftermath of the 1886 Tarawera eruption. Retrenched in 1888, he farmed for a while on his wife’s land at Te Aroha West, becoming involved in local issues and local politics. During the 1890 he obtained more official positions, and from 1896 to 1906 was a land court judge. The Johnson family was well integrated into the dominant culture, all his daughters marrying Pakeha apart from one who married a ‘half-caste’ who had been brought up as a Pakeha. Johnson was not a Pakeha Maori in the original sense, but was accepted by Maori when living in Paeroa and as a judge tried to be kind to poverty-stricken Maori, although in time he viewed Maori as becoming lazy compared with those he had lived amongst during his first two decades in New Zealand.

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  • Maori and goldfields revenue

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    When gold was first discovered, the Crown accepted that it needed Maori consent to open their land for mining and had to assuage fears of losing their land. Accordingly, officials devised agreements to protect Maori interests and to provide a financial return. Because of what had occurred in other countries after goldfields opened, both Maori and the government agreed that these must be well controlled. Over time, the regulations increasingly favoured the mining industry rather than the original landowners, who were not informed about the true value of their land, auriferous or otherwise. Maori were confused about their financial entitlement because of changes made by the government to the fees payable to them. Some rangatira, most notably Wirope Hoterene Taipari of Ngati Maru, saw a chance to obtain unexpected (and unearned) wealth, as shown by his insistence on opening Thames to miners despite the opposition of most of his hapu. Later, other rangatira wanted to open Ohinemuri and other potential fields because of the money they were promised by impatient miners and by more patient officials. For a brief time, some Maori considered controlling the potential Ohinemuri goldfield themselves. The main incentive to opening land was the wealth received by landowners during the early days of the Thames goldfield, but as mining faded later so did goldfields revenue. Changes to mining regulations diminished the amount distributed to Maori in ways that some Pakeha considered unfair, and these provoked complaints from Maori. A continuing problem for officials was to ensure that revenue was allocated to the right owners. The system was complex, resulting in delays in paying money and in some Maori obtaining too much and others too little (or none at all), an outcome often resulting from rangatira distributing it as they chose rather than caused by government officials, who did their best to ensure fairness. Over time, the government unilaterally made changes to the system. For their part, miners complained about being required to pay for the right to mine, and encouraged the government to acquire the freehold of goldfield land because miners’ rights on Crown land were one-quarter the cost of those on Maori land. The revenue received by the landowners soon slipped through their fingers, sometimes in traditionally competitive gatherings such as tangi. It can be argued that Taipari, who very shrewdly adapted to the new economy (and experienced its perils, becoming bankrupt in 1870), used his income not just to give himself a luxurious lifestyle but also to boost the mana of his hapu. The government has been blamed for not insisting that revenue be protected for the use of future generations, a concept that occurred to only a few Pakeha at the time and to no Maori; far from considering the interests of their descendents, cultivating the land decreased while this revenue was received. But due to the nature of mining, by the twentieth century the landowners were lamenting the serious decline in their income from this source; despite having sold so much of their goldfield lands, some complained at not receiving any more revenue. Evaluating the outcome, the Waitangi Tribunal indulged in some counter-factual history by suggesting that the government should have encouraged rangatira to set up trusts to protect the income for future generations, but no rangatira had suggested this idea, nor did they ask that they should manage goldfields jointly with the Crown. After imagining that Maori in partnership with Pakeha capitalists could have developed the goldfields without the involvement of the Crown, the Tribunal had to accept that the outcome would have been the same: loss of money (because apart from anything else mining could not remain payable indefinitely) combined with the loss of much of their land.

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  • Merea Wikiriwhi and George Thomas Wilkinson

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Merea Wikiriwhi was one of the few women to invest in Te Aroha mining. Her life has been traced in as much detail as can be found because so little has survived about the lives of Maori women. As George Thomas Wilkinson’s surviving diaries reveal his importance in her life, his story was included as well, concentrating on his personal life rather than his official career. Merea was a member of several Ohinemuri hapu, with links through whakapapa to some of their more senior rangatira. Mostly living at or near Waitoki, between Paeroa and Te Aroha, she lived a frugal life, not wasting the income she received from land sales. These sales first required her to insist on her rights both in the land court and in a convoluted legal battle over a will signed in her favour by a distant relative. Over time, she would sell most of her land, but never became entirely landless. She invested in only one mining claim, but in the 1930s joined others to claim that the government was not paying them goldfields revenue for land they had sold. George Thomas Wilkinson entered her life in 1880, when he was the ‘native agent’ in Hauraki. Despite having fought against Maori and nearly being killed, his surviving diaries reveal that he lived in the manner of a Pakeha Maori with three Maori women (simultaneously for a time), having children both by Merea and the woman he would eventually marry. Wilkinson had close friendships with many Maori and Pakeha Maori, and his genuine regard for them is reflected not only in his attempting, in his official capacity, to be fair to their interests – even as he assisted the government to separate them from their land – but in particular by his affection for a young girl, Wairingiringi, who shared his house in Thames. Although he and Merea would part, he tried to ensure that her children, like all his children, would do well in a Pakeha world.

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  • Te Karauna Hou: the senior Ngati Rahiri rangatira

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Te Karauna Hou, the principal Ngati Rahiri rangatira living at Te Aroha in 1880, had a distinguished whakapapa linking him to several hapu. Before settling permanently at Te Aroha in the 1870s he lived in several places, especially at Kaitawa, on the southern outskirts of Thames. One of the principal rangatira in Hauraki, he was loyal to the Crown during the Waikato War, and later assisted Pakeha settlement. To emphasize his mana and that of his hapu, he held big festivities at Kaitawa and at Omahu pa at Te Aroha. In 1871, when Ngati Haua won a (temporary) victory in the land court over the ownership of the Aroha Block, Karauna took control of it on behalf of the Marutuahu confederation, and subsequently kept Ngati Haua at bay. For a time he opposed road-making on this block, but later agreed to it, for financial reasons. Like all rangatira, he sought to maximize his ownership of as many blocks of land as possible, sometimes having his lies exposed through his contradicting his earlier evidence. He also denied receiving money for land when his denials were easily disproved. Despite leasing and selling land, selling timber and gum, and opening his land to miners, he often struggled financially. Karauna claimed to have found gold in Hauraki in 1852, and was willing to open his land at Thames to miners, but did not invest in any claims before the Te Aroha rush, when he attempted to extract a bonus of £1,000 from the government for opening the field. After his death in 1885, Pakeha remembered with gratitude his friendly attitude to them, but they also remembered his drunkenness, which meant he lost the respect of both Maori and Pakeha in his latter years.

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  • The Thames miners’ union

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    More of a friendly society than a class conscious workers’ movement, the Thames Miners’ Union was formed in 1890 as a branch of the Amalgamated Miners’ Association of Australasia. The state of mining at this time in Australia and New Zealand discouraged militancy, and although the inaugural meeting agreed that miners must stand together to protect their rights, it was hoped to avoid strike action. Because of its focus on ‘practical sympathy’, meaning providing financial assistance to members in need, the new union had wide public support, as illustrated by non-miners joining as honorary members. From the start, the union wished to assist its members by regulating hours and wages, and was willing to look beyond its confines to assist other unions’ struggles. Accepting that capitalists were needed if mining was to develop, it would in time seek legislation to benefit the industry. Mini-biographies of the leading members of the new union and of some of its branches in outlying mining districts (including at Te Aroha) illustrate the moderate nature of these men. Some were mine managers, most were active within the wider community, and all were thoroughly respectable. Examples are included of harmonious relationships between miners and their managers. Accident and health benefit payments were devised, and public concerts were held for the union’s ‘benevolvent fund’. Miners’ Union Demonstrations, held annually to mark the union’s founding, included parades and sports meetings involving members’ families. Miners’ halls became the social centres of mining communities. Involvement in national politics commenced when a labour candidate, a clergyman, stood for the Thames electorate. In the Te Aroha district, the first association was an accident relief fund, which involved non-miners. A branch of the union had only a brief life because of the rapid decline of mining there. By the twentieth century there were demands for more militancy, especially at Waihi, where the policies of the Waihi Company provoked resistance amongst the workers. By then Hauraki miners were experiencing increased unemployment, with companies under-manning or not working some of their ground, all causes for complaint. In 1903 the Waihi branch would break away from the parent union, which steadily declined as mining declined. The Thames Miners’ Union, which exalted the ‘dignity of honest labour’, gently faded away without ever calling a strike.

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  • Alice Grey Nicholls, daughter of William, and her husband, Charles John Dearle

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Alice Grey Nicholls was the ‘half-caste’ daughter of a Pakeha Maori, William Nicholls. She would marry a Pakeha and have several children, losing her only son but bringing up a family of daughters, who all received a Pakeha education. Having a moko emphasized her Maori heritage, and she was on good terms with many Maori. Charles John Dearle, a Londoner, after some involvement in gold mining spent most of his life working for the government. At the request of Maori landowners, from 1883 until 1895 he allocated goldfields revenue amongst them, a challenging task. He was also involved in land purchases both on behalf of the government and for personal gain. They farmed her land at Mangaiti, near Te Aroha, Alice continuing to farm it profitably after his early death, assisted for a time by her daughters. She purchased more land, and to enable her to sell some portions of it she had it declared European land, an illustration of her astuteness in business; her family obtained a good financial position from her farming and land dealings. When she died, aged 81, her Pakeha friends fondly remembered her.

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  • Harry Kenrick: the first warden of the Te Aroha mining district

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Because of his improvident father, Harry Kenrick left England for the Victorian goldfields before moving to the South Island of New Zealand. In 1865, he settled in the West Coast to begin a lifetime career of working for the government. In addition to his official duties, he was involved in mining and assisted to develop the district, becoming involved in disputes that foreshadowed his experiences at Thames. Appointed as resident magistrate for Poverty Bay in 1877, his work was praised, as it had been on the West Coast, but two years later he was abruptly moved to Thames to become both magistrate and warden after the forced resignation of his predecessor, William Fraser. The latter’s career is examined, as is how his clique hated Kenrick for replacing him; but most residents welcomed a man whose decisions were seen as fair and just. Fraser retained support amongst many in the community, becoming mayor and then a member of parliament, but continued to snipe at Kenrick, supported by a small number of malcontents, who made his life difficult. In his determination to make his subordinates perform their duties satisfactorily, Kenrick provoked conflict with Hugh McIlhone, Inspector of Miners’ Rights, and James Monteith McLaren, Inspector of Mines. They were supported by two prominent Thames residents, Louis Ehrenfried, a brewer and local government politician, and George Nathaniel Brassey, a solicitor, who spent years trying to undermine Kenrick for their own personal advantage. In 1880 and 1885, two petitions to remove him failed miserably, as his reputation both locally and with the government and its officials had risen steadily. Kenrick improved mining regulations and enforced them fairly, as even some who lost cases accepted. At Te Aroha, after some initial criticisms he became popular because of his efforts to be fair to all who came before him in court and his assistance both to mining and to the development of the district. His efforts to assist Maori made him popular with them as well, and when he died, prematurely, he was deeply mourned by both Maori and Pakeha.

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  • Hone Werahiko: the discoverer of gold at Te Aroha

    Hart, Philip (2016)

    Working or discussion paper
    University of Waikato

    Originally Hone Kahukahu, when he was living at Ohinemutu in the 1860s he became known as Hone Werahiko, an Arawa name he retained for the rest of his life. His father, a member of Ngati Kahungungu, had been captured by Arawa; his mother was a Waikato. A widow living at Maketu chose him as her second husband because he was ‘a good looking fellow & understood English’. In the late 1860s and much of the 1870s, he prospected in Hauraki and even in the King Country, and worked underground in a Thames mine, the only Maori known to have done so. But in the early 1870s he gave up mining to be a pioneer publican and storekeeper at Ohinemutu, at Rotorua. He acquired land and property there, but after his wife died he returned to prospecting full-time. Werahiko’s first investigation of Te Aroha was in 1877, when he was ordered off by the local hapu. He returned in 1880 as the head of a prospecting party subsidized by the government. After finding gold, he was granted the Prospectors’ Claim and, in due course, a reward, and for a time supervised its development. Investing in other claims, he traded in shares. When his discovery turned out to be a duffer, he explored other parts of the mountain, first having high hopes for the Tui portion but then, after four months of exploring over winter with the support of three other Maori, he announced the discovery of his New Find at Waiorongomai. Once again he acquired partners, mostly Paheka, and traded in shares, and for some time supervised the opening up of his new find. Later, he was invited to prospect the King Country, but this did not eventuate. His last involvement in mining was at Karangahake. Because of the hardships of his prospecting at Te Aroha, he died at an early age, leaving a young second wife. His memory lived on, amongst Pakeha miners in particular, because he had the rare distinction for a prospector of being regarded as totally honest, and he was admired for succeeding when so many others had failed. [Note: Especially when he first came to public attention, many Pakeha struggled with Hone Werahiko’s name, which was recorded in a variety of incorrect forms, the worst example being Hoani Whaekareka. Even the warden at first gave his name as Hone Wharekino. Many Pakeha found it simpler to refer to him as ‘Johnny the Maori’. In this paper, his name is given correctly throughout.]

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